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Locative Viscosity: Traces Of Social Histories
In Public Space
by Lily Shirvanee
Department of Media Arts and Sciences
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Department of Architecture, Cambridge University
Darwin College, Silver Street
Cambridge, CB3 9EU
United Kingdom
lilys [@] media [dot] mit [dot] edu
KEYWORDS
locative media, public space, 'underground
public art', collective intelligence, viscosity,
social networks, mobile artifacts.
ABSTRACT
This essay is an exploration into the social issues
that emerge when mobile technologies that have
become increasingly locative begin to exist in
public spaces. A constant thread throughout this
paper is the concept of °viscosity°, where
physical deformations of a locative media can
also lead to social deformations of a space. In
this article, I describe the antecedents to locative
media along with several recent locative media
projects. I will assert that the social networks
and collective attention created by location-based
media are also an attempt to respond to, in Walter
Benjamin's terms, a state of distraction and disconnectedness
that is thought to exist in the contemporary urban
life. This essay examines a thickness in space
- linkages between people using external artefacts
through which strangers and non-strangers alike
may leave traces of themselves and communicate
their desires, anxieties and histories in the
shared places that they inhabit.
_____________________________
LOCATIVE MEDIA
As locative media is a phrase that can
have broad meanings, from a metaphorical expression
representing a set of connections, to a descriptive
term for information and devices that are associated
with a physical location and/or with one another,
it is important to identify how it is connoted
here. It is defined in this essay as media that
actively create and sense a reciprocal awareness
between people and their environment, thereby,
merging various types of information and media
within the limits of specific geographic landscapes;
these limits may vary in dimension from a specific
point in a landscape to large areas of space such
as nodes and pathways. Here, locative media is
both the mediating technology and the datastreams
being exposed and exchanged.
SOCIAL VISCOSITY
According to Newton’s theory, viscosity
is the character of any flow with layers that
move at different velocities; the 'denser' the
fluid, the greater its resistance to opposing
forces and the more rapidly it becomes balanced.
Emergent collective activity in social groups
creates a condition that I call a 'social viscosity',
where high connectivity and a velocity of flow
create a resistance to bring about a trend of
movement. Here, viscosity is defined as a dynamic
force of flow between social groups that can form
depending on levels of communication, ranging
from the private to one that is very public.
In his celebrated work, *The Work of Art in the
Age of Mechanical Reproduction*,” Walter
Benjamin discusses the contemporary alienation
of the urban dweller inundated to distraction
by the stimulus of modern twentieth century cities
[1]. Within this urban perspective, I want to
look at the space that location-based media generates
and the nature of viscosities of flow that are
projected from and implied by collective activities
there. When information can actively find you
on the street, there is a viscosity of space that
forms between strangers with locative media, creating
landscapes charged with traces of others that
have inhabited the same space. In this early stage
of location-based media, a greater connectivity
and interaction between people who share a common
interest, is thought to hold the promise of invigorating
the public sphere to create an awareness and,
therefore, a vitality of activity and public dialogue
in spaces that might otherwise remain stagnant.
I will try to show that this optimism endeavors
to create an awareness among people that stems
from an interpretation of disorientation and distractedness
in contemporary urbanity.
CONCEPTIONS OF PUBLIC SPACE
Public space is leaving home.
- Vito Acconci
In *The Production of Space*, Henri Lefebvre
describes space as a social phenomenon where history
accounts for the "interrelationships of spaces
and their links with social practice". He
argues that the production of space is grounded
in inherent conditions, where traces of social
existence are forever creating our histories and
our perception of space [2].
Our notions of public space typically stem from
ancient civilizations, where public space was
often defined by grand central plazas, market
places, and heroic monuments. As industrial technologies,
such as the trains and automobiles of the late
nineteenth century and the early twentieth century,
brought about an ease of motion to everyday lives,
the private motorcar not only shifted definitions
of what was considered 'public' and 'private',
but it also shifted notions of public and private
space. The open space around the mass of office
towers in cities came to serve as pass-through
areas, and public space has come to be a place
of movement. As notions of 'public' space have
been shifting from that of centralized grand spaces
to moving thoroughfares, activities within these
spaces have changed as well.
As a city planner in the 1950s, Kevin Lynch looked
at elements of movement and the subsequent possibility
for disorientation in the urban landscape. In
his seminal work, *The Image of the City*, he
studies three different American cities, moving
west from Boston, Massachusetts and Jersey City,
New Jersey to Los Angeles, California to look
at urban identities and to understand how people
imagine themselves in their cities. In his explorations,
he notes that "moving elements in a city,
and in particular the people and their activities,
are as important as the stationary physical parts"[3].
He considers the urban dweller to be a part of
the spectacle that is "on stage with the
other participants". Lynch also suggests
that we perceive our own cities as a sort of fragmentary
composite of spaces that we have had long associations
and have, therefore, created memories and meanings
in those spaces. Within the "chaos of the
modern city", Lynch hypothesizes that 'image
development' can be strengthened by a dialectical
process between the observer and his or her surroundings;
as an attachment forms wherever the perceiver
reshapes her or his surroundings and becomes a
participant.
SOCIAL HISTORIES AND PUBLIC SPACE
The graffitists themselves come from
the territorial order. They territorialize decoded
urban spaces – a particular street, wall
or district comes to life through them, becoming
a collective territory again.
- Jean Baudrillard
If we look to our recent history, we might see
traces and stories woven through underground sticker
and graffiti art movements; tracing from the early
1930s hobo signatures on freight trains, numerous
schools of graffiti art have emerged to make political
and/or territorial statements [5]. The origins
of graffiti date back to early civilizations,
where graffiti has been found on the walls of
Pompeii, on ancient Egyptian monuments, and the
cave of Lascaux. More recently, in the "New
York School" graffiti movement of the 1970s,
individual underground artists wrote on subways
with their own particular style that grew a sub-culture
of symbolic messages with political assertions
to be seen in the public realm. Hip-hop graffiti
was part of a vibrant street culture in New York
City in the 1970s that grew into the downtown
Manhattan art scene by the 1980s. Because signs
and symbols play a significant role in graffiti
culture, information can spread across various
social networks and along many countries via symbolic
imagery and writing. In diverse cities such as
Barcelona and Tokyo, today we see the influence
of those earlier movements in the symbols and
the style of graffiti that continue to proliferate.
In the 1980s, another type of symbol began to
spread in the tagging of sticker-graffiti by a
burgeoning skate-boarder culture. Stickers such
as Andre the Giant have moved from a small subculture
of skaters in Providence, Rhode Island, to a larger,
global culture of sticker artists. In 1999, *Sticker
Shock: Artists’ Stickers* displayed this
'underground sub-culture' of sticker art that
had previously been posted and read solely in
public urban areas [6]. Since then, a number of
other sticker art websites, such as *StickerNation.net*,
have grown to a global audience of participants
who create and broadcast sticker art as messages
to each other in urban environments [7]. Today,
finding a sticker with the text "OBEY"
in a public space reveals a significant meaning
to those sub-cultures involved and resonates out
to the general public as a universal mark of this
movement. Shepard Fairey, the artist who created
the *Andre the Giant* sticker, continues to create
new forms of this sticker, evolving it as he reacts
to other people’s reaction of the image.
The significance of the underground sticker phenomenon
is not as much about the messages that they reveal
but, rather, in the vitality of sticker campaigns;
it is in the pervasiveness with which they continue
to grow, evolve, and disseminate in public spaces
around the world.
COLLECTIVE INTELLIGENCE
Over the past decade, the emergence of
greater numbers of people using mobile devices
in urban cities has created a culture of mobile
communities that has begun to resemble some of
what technology and cultural critic Kevin Kelly
describes as the key characteristics of so-called
'swarm systems'. Some of the characteristics of
'swarm systems' include the absence of imposed
centralized control along with autonomy and high
connectivity among the smaller groups and individuals
[8]. In human social groups, because these 'swarm
systems' have the ability to connect in transitory
space, large-scale populations of people begin
to exhibit a "collective intelligence",
where the actions of one has a greater consequence
on the whole. An example of this behavior with
new technologies was seen in the Philippines in
2001, where an ad-hoc group of people demonstrating
against their government began texting on mobile
phones from one phone to another with political
jokes that later spread to information about the
location of demonstrations. This spontaneous activity
ultimately led to the resignation of President
Joseph Estrada.
A compelling consequence that emerges from location
awareness is the nature of unplanned connections
between people and their environment, where an
additional layer of meaning that might otherwise
go unnoticed becomes visible. Location-aware media
are also thought to become social communication
artefacts, where tools that enable authorship
and that link social information can create a
connective viscosity of space to be overlapped
and shared between the local and the newcomer
While current locative media begin to touch upon
the coincidence of improvised acts within a locational
context, as greater numbers of media artefacts
encode shared spaces and engage a public dialogue,
there is a potential for the space between individuals
and their environment to become the site of spontaneous
formations of collective activity in our common
places. This viscosity of space is perceived as
a bond that may exist not only between people
with established relationships who can find each
other 'on the street' in a mobile context, but
also between strangers, thereby inspiring a new
community and, possibly, creating the potential
for a more democratized public space.
As with any democratized or freely accessible
space, the most vociferous may, at times, reign.
It would be somewhat naïve to propose a singularly
idealistic scenario where all of the media in
the environment is desired. Along with the potential
for an emerging social discourse among individuals
is the unwanted surveillance and solicitation
emanating from advertisers, spammers, and agencies
of control. It will be significant to find how
locative viscosities of social discourse and social
spam collide and how groups of people may collectively
detect and deflect the intrusion from unwanted
spammers. In this nascent stage of locational
media there is a hope that collective dissent
will overpower the gimmicks of conventional advertising
- but could this newfound connectedness also generate
other types of alienation where our concerns of
being observed may contribute to a mood of active
ignorance as we pass through our public space?
AUTONOMOUS IDENTITIES
Digital media art installations that
have attempted to engage a social dialogue with
an aim towards individual autonomy and a democratized
space have been based around urban narratives.
In works such as such as those by artist Krzysztof
Wodiczko, he proposes a design practice that confronts
historical space with what he terms the "memory
of the nameless" [9]. One of these artifices
for social engagement is Wodiczko’s *Alien
Staff*, which is both a symbolic form (resembling
a Shepard’s rod) and a storytelling device.
A small video display at the top of the rod is
meant to provoke observers to become engaged with
their curiosity in moving closer to the screen,
and closer to the presence of the 'immigrant'-alien.
Wodiczko focuses on creating a space for the "nameless'
where a city may engage in a consciousness and
democracy through the sharing and understanding
of people’s experiences that might otherwise
remain unknown. An ongoing theme that is woven
through Wodiczko’s work is the concept of
maintaining democracy through "autonomous
identities". In one example, he proposes
an "interruption of the victors [of history]
by the nameless…through the design and implementation
of a new psycho-cultural artifice, …which
on the one hand will encourage the stranger to
open up and on the other hand will encourage others
to bring themselves closer to the stranger’s
experience and presence" [9].
MOBILE STREET CULTURE
As paths of social activity are made
possible by the augmentation of geographic space
with locative information, an invisible layer
of association emerges. One prevalent activity
of the mobile street culture is to engage in locative
games. Botfighters is an example of a game that
is notorious for being one of the first location-based
games using text messaging [10]. Botfighters are
opponents who track each other down in urban neighborhoods
and streets. Players’ mobile phones provide
them with information on where other opponents
are, and the phone acts as a medium for battles
and chats. Mobile positioning is used to determine
the distance between players and indicate when
another is at close enough to tag or be hit.
While the interface is merely a mobile phone
with text messaging capabilities, the spatial
context of the urban street and being 'tracked
down' in such a territory adds significantly to
the emotional aspects of the game. One player
describes his experience here:
"When you get a reaction from another player,
the rush is…tremendous, [and] I know that
that person gets the same sort of rush that I
get."
In the complexity of the urban context, this
game becomes a tool for mediation – a tactical
device that not only enables strangers within
a locative range to communicate with each other,
but it also has the potential to create a sort
of empathic reaction between individuals and may,
on a larger scale, create ripples of familiarity
across a society of gamers.
Another precedent for locative activities of
improvised communication along an urban landscape
was *Sound Mapping* (1997). *Sound Mapping* used
geographical location with DGPS (a combination
of radio and GPS) to create an interactive urban
environment where participants could generate
sounds using mobile sound-sources/transmitters
along predefined paths to produce a collaborative
composition that was broadcast to the public [11].
Today, as social software for mobile devices allow
for more complex interactions and communication,
*Sound Mapping’s* interaction may seem simplistic,
yet with this simplicity it succinctly addressed
the idea of attaching oneself to a localized space
and leaving a story, a sound along a path.
A more recent project that touches upon the idea
of 'social viscosities', in that it attempts to
create boundaries between social communication
artefacts and the urban landscape, is the *Familiar
Stranger* project (2003). The *Familiar Stranger*
is psychologist Stanley Milgrim’s concept
of strangers that are repeatedly observed by each
other without interaction; where "both parties
agree to mutually ignore each other without any
implications of hostility" [12]. Rather than
being locational within a specific geographical
region, the *Familiar Stranger* project is an
example of a locative beacon between wearers of
the project’s device, where a clip-on device
displays degrees of familiarity (via red, green,
or blue light) among people passing each other.
The authors’ declaration that they are not
interested in creating "a friend finder,
matchmaking device, or system that explicitly
attempts to convert our strangers into our friends"
[12], is an example of a concern with boundaries
between the individual and the urban community
and the ways in which we can orient ourselves,
yet not to the point of distraction. It is interesting
in that it is an attempt to connect with the environment
(where strangers are a part of the milieu) and,
simultaneously, to maintain a distance from it.
However, in the act of engaging each other with
these devices, there is an implicit shift in the
boundaries that maintain distinct levels of distance.
In a related approach, *Umbrella.net* (2004)
engages networks within the public landscape by
looking to coincidental encounters and ad-hoc
associations that form from "haphazard patterns
of weather and crowd formation". Instead
of finding familiar strangers defined by a path
or route, here strangers and non-strangers are
found in "haphazard and unpredictable"
circumstances. Umbrellas are seen as "a set
of connected nodes that can spontaneously form
based on weather conditions" to share localized
information [13]. The level of information shared
is contained within a locational boundary, but
it is of a greater complexity than basic familiarity.
The authors’ aim is to enable participants
to engage with each other and for the general
public to visualize the formation of these networks
that might otherwise remain invisible.
Based around Lefebvre’s notion of the production
of space through traces of social histories, the
*Viscous Display* (2002) similarly attempts to
reveal traces of activity and enable social engagement
in the dissemination of iconic graphic messages
throughout urban environments. In an ad-hoc system,
distributive networks of flexible graphic displays
have an adaptive, transient quality, whereby,
they can be moved and can recall information specific
to changing locations. Similar to stickers that
are left in public spaces, people can leave messages
by picking up the displays, interacting with them,
and then replacing them in various locations [14].
Whereas, the previous projects enable communication
through personal devices or along a centralized
network, here, the displays are thought of as
interpersonal 'sticky' artefacts to be left in
public spaces, and they act both as locative beacons
in the context of how they relate to passers-by
and as location-aware media in terms of their
relationship with information they circulate.
In this work, the level of information shared
is localized and ranges from the private to very
public, depending on the degree of familiarity
in the icons being displayed.
Proboscis’ *Urban Tapestries Project* (2004)
also engages both the physical and the virtual
realm by allowing users to annotate their own
virtual city and proposes to enable wireless access
to 'threads' that link locative information with
social threads to be viewed within a centralized
system. Participants are given mobile phones that
have been adapted to constantly keep track of
their locations and enable them to leave notes
at specific locations for other people to read
[15]. Here, the interaction is not as public,
it is not broadcast through sound or light, but
is left to the participants to decide to engage
within their chosen environment. Socially, it
allows for much broader and less localized interactions
than projects such as *Sound Mapping*, *Umbrella.net*
and *Viscous Display*, where participants may
not observe each other, yet they may communicate
along larger landscapes. One of the aims of the
work expressed by the authors is to "facilitate
the negotiation of boundaries" and within
their ethnographic research their assertion is
that they have found "that it does augment
notions of connectivity to place and to those
within that place. However, [their] research also
revealed that some do not interpret this connectivity
positively".
Within many of these locative media works, there
is a desire to mark a territory, weave a story,
acknowledge an association, and to create connections
and attachments in the seemingly disoriented and
distracted scattering of the contemporary urban
landscape. The expectation is that these voices
of community will be able to converge in order
to deflect and disrupt agencies of political and
commercial control that are also vying for the
same space. Among the social, locative viscosities
of the mobile street culture, which groups will
have the greater density? As these mobile social
artefacts grow, it will be important to discover
if the optimism and the efforts of connecting
society can override banal social spam and surveillance.
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REFERENCES
1. Walter Benjamin, "The Work of
Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction",
in *Illuminations*, Hannah Arendt (ed.), Harry
Zohn (trans.) (New York: Schocken Books, 1968).
2. Henri Lefebvre, *The Production of Space*,
Donald Nicholson-Smith (trans.) (Oxford: Blackwell,
1991).
3. Kevin Lynch, *The Image of the City* (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 1960).
4. Jean Baudrillard, "Symbolic Exchange
and Death", in *Theory, Culture, and Society
series* Vol. 25, (London: Sage Publications, 1993).
5. Graffiti History @ 149 St, http://www.at149st.com/.
6. Sticker Shock: Artists' Stickers; Exhibition
at Institute for Contemporary Art, University
of Pennsylvania, 15 January – 7 March 1999.
7. Sticker Nation, http://www.stickernation.net.
8. Kevin Kelly, *Out of Control: The New Biology
of Machines, Social Systems and the Economic World*
(New York: Perseus Publishing, 1995).
9. Kryzysztof Wodiczko, *Critical Vehicles: Writings,
Projects, Interviews* (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1999).
10. Botfighters.com, http://www.botfighters.com/.
11. Iain Mott and Jim Sosnin, "Sound Mapping:
An Assertion of Place", in the *Proceedings
of Interface 1997*, http://www.reverberant.com/SM/,
1997.
12. Eric Paulos and Elizabeth Goodman, *Familiar
Stranger Project: Anxiety, Comfort, and Play in
Public Places*, http://berkeley.intel-research.net,
2003.
13. Jonah Brucker-Cohen and Katherine Moriwaki,
*Umbrella.net*, http://www.undertheumbrella.net,
2004.
14. Lily Shirvanee and Glorianna Davenport, "The
Viscous Display: A Transient Adaptive Interface
for Collective Activity in Public Space",
in the *Proceedings of Graphite 2003*, June 2003.
15. Roger Silverstone and Zoetanya Sujon, *Urban
Tapestries: Experimental Ethnography, Technological
Identities and Place*, http://www.proboscis.org.uk/urbantapestries,
2004
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY
Lily Shirvanee is an architect and artist
currently studying for a Ph.D at the University
of Cambridge, U.K. Prior to studying at Cambridge
University, she received a Masters in Media Arts
and Sciences at Massachusetts Institute of Technology
(MIT). She also holds a Bachelors and Masters
in Architecture and has practiced architecture
in California and Japan.
Her work focuses on the visual, corporeal and
social expression between mediating technologies
and architectural space. Her research areas are
in the intersection of artificial intelligence,
haptics, social networks, and conceptualizations
of space.
Shirvanee's work has been presented in Canada,
the U.S., Mexico, Europe, and Japan. Her previous
work has included *The Living Book of the Senses*,
presented at the Banff New Media Institute in
2002, *The Virtual Excavation: Treasures from
a Lost Civilization*, exhibited at the Seattle
Art Museum in the summer of 2001, *The Magic Book*,
exhibited at SIGGRAPH 2000, and *Subjectivity
and Directed Gaze; Cinematic Perception in Virtual
Environments*, was part of a Monbusho Fellowship
conducted at Kobe University in 1998. Her most
recent work, *The Viscous Display*, was presented
at SIGGRAPH 2003 and Graphite 2004 and continues
to be supported through a National Science Foundation
Fellowship.
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